Seasonal prevalence and determinants of food insecurity in Iqaluit, Nunavut

Yang Guo1, Lea Berrang-Ford2,3*, James Ford2,3, Marie-Pierre Lardeau2,3,Victoria Edge3,4, Kaitlin Patterson2, IHACC Research Team3 andSherilee L. Harper3,4*

1McGill School of Environment, McGill University, Montreal, Canada; 2 Department of Geography, McGill University, Montreal, Canada; 3 Indigenous Health Adaptation to Climate Change Research Team: Cesar Carcamo, Alejandro Llanos, Shuaib Lwasa, Didacus Bambaiha Namanya; 4 Department of Population Medicine, University of Guelph, Guelph, Canada

Food security exists ‘‘when all people, at all times, have physical, social and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life’’ (1, p. 1). Access to adequate food has been identified as a major challenge in the Canadian Arctic, where levels of food insecurity are consistently higher compared to southern Canada (27). Studies highlight that women, older residents, and those relying on income support are often more likely to be food insecure (8,9). Yet, having an active hunter in the household or consuming country food has been shown to be protective against food insecurity (7,9,10). Unemployment, low income, increasing cost of hunting, sociocultural changes, such as reduced sharing of food and decreased transfer of traditional hunting knowledge, and climate change have also been identified as stressors to food systems in the Circumpolar North (2,8,1014).

Most studies on food insecurity in Arctic Canada have focused on small, remote communities (e.g. studies conducted as part of the Healthy Foods North programme) or have examined the prevalence of food insecurity at a regional scale (e.g. the Inuit Health Survey) (4,7). While these studies have substantially contributed to our understanding of food insecurity, limited research has been conducted in larger centres of the North (15,16). These rapidly growing settlements are home to almost one fifth of all Inuit people in Canada, and differ in socialeconomic-demographic structure from smaller communities where research has been primarily conducted (17). As such, it is unknown if predictors of food insecurity identified in the literature are applicable to larger regional centres, where identified protective factors, including sharing networks, employment, education, and participation in traditional harvesting activities, may differ.

As pointed out by the Expert Panel on the State of Knowledge of Food Security in Northern Canada, there has also been limited research conducted on the seasonality of food insecurity (18). Scholarship on food security in the Arctic, including the 20072008 Inuit Health Survey, is mainly cross-sectional (6,9,19). These methodological choices matter because the timing of ice break-up and freeze-up, and weather conditions influence the distribution and accessibility of harvesting sites, ultimately affecting the type and quantity of food consumed (20,21). For instance, data on country food harvest in Iqaluit indicate seasonal variation in caribou, ringed seal and Arctic char harvesting rates (22). Only a few studies, however, have assessed the composition of the seasonal diet of Indigenous people in Canada. Kuhnlein et al. (23) conducted dietary assessments in 44 communities (Inuit, Dene/Metis and Yukon First Nations) during a season of high and low traditional food availability. Other studies conducted in Baffin Island, Yukon, and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region found significant seasonal variation in availability or consumption of traditional food (13,24).

In this study, we report on a seasonal analysis of household food insecurity and associated determinants in Iqaluit, Nunavut (population of 6,699) (25). As the capital and largest city of Nunavut, Iqaluit is the seat of many governmental agencies and Inuit organizations. Compared to small villages in the Canadian Arctic, Iqaluit has a strong wage economy and attracts a large number of external workers, both Inuit from other Arctic communities and non-Indigenous migrants from southern regions (26). Despite its size and function, there are little data on food insecurity in Iqaluit specifically, with previous research either focusing on particular groups (e.g. community food programmes) or on Nunavut as a whole (7,15,16). The goal of this study was therefore to estimate the prevalence of food insecurity in Iqaluit, as well as the prevalence and predictors of food insecurity for Inuit households in 2 different seasons.

ABSTRACT

Background. Food insecurity is an ongoing problem in the Canadian Arctic. Although most studies have focused on smaller communities, little is known about food insecurity in larger centres.

Objectives. This study aimed to estimate the prevalence of food insecurity during 2 different seasons in Iqaluit, the territorial capital of Nunavut, as well as identify associated risk factors.

Design. A modified United States Department of Agriculture Food Security Survey was applied to 532 randomly selected households in September 2012 and 523 in May 2013. Chi-square tests and multivariable logistic regression were used to examine potential associations between food security and 9 risk factors identified in the literature.

Results. In September 2012, 28.7% of surveyed households in Iqaluit were food insecure, a rate 3 times higher than the national average, but lower than smaller Inuit communities in Nunavut. Prevalence of food insecurity in September 2012 was not significantly different in May 2013 (27.2%). When aggregating results from Inuit households from both seasons (May and September), food insecurity was associated with poor quality housing and reliance on income support (p<0.01). Unemployment and younger age of the person in charge of food preparation were also significantly associated with food insecurity. In contrast to previous research among Arctic communities, gender and consumption of country food were not positively associated with food security. These results are consistent with research describing high food insecurity across the Canadian Arctic.

Conclusion. The factors associated with food insecurity in Iqaluit differed from those identified in smaller communities, suggesting that experiences with, and processes of, food insecurity may differ between small communities and larger commercial centres. These results suggest that country food consumption, traditional knowledge and sharing networks may play a less important role in larger Inuit communities.

Keywords: food security; aboriginal; Inuit; Indigenous; social determinants of health; Iqaluit; Nunavut

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